Wall Street
Journal, April 14, 2017
- The U.S. has
signed agreements with three rogue regimes strictly limiting their
unconventional military capacities. Two of those regimes—Syria and North
Korea—brazenly violated the agreements, provoking game-changing responses from
President Trump. But the third agreement—with Iran—is so inherently flawed that
Tehran doesn’t even have to break it. Honoring it will be enough to endanger
millions of lives.
The framework agreements with North Korea and Syria,
concluded respectively in 1994 and 2013, were similar in many ways. Both
recognized that the regimes already possessed weapons of mass destruction or at
least the means to produce them. Both assumed that the regimes would surrender
their arsenals under an international treaty and open their facilities to
inspectors. And both believed that these repressive states, if properly engaged,
could be brought into the community of nations.
All those assumptions were wrong. After withdrawing from the
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, Pyongyang tested five atomic weapons and
developed intercontinental missiles capable of carrying them. Syrian dictator
Bashar Assad, less than a year after signing the framework, reverted to gassing
his own people. Bolstered by the inaction of the U.S. and backed by other
powers, North Korea and Syria broke their commitments with impunity.
Or so it seemed. By ordering a Tomahawk missile attack on a
Syrian air base, and a U.S. Navy strike force to patrol near North Korea’s
coast, the Trump administration has upheld the frameworks and placed their
violators on notice. This reassertion of power is welcomed by all of America’s
allies, Israel among them. But for us, the most dangerous agreement of all is
the one that may never need military enforcement. For us, the existential
threat looms in a decade, when the agreement with Iran expires.
Like the frameworks with North Korea and Syria, the Joint
Comprehensive Plan of Action of 2015 assumed that Iran would fulfill its
obligations and open its facilities to inspectors. The JCPOA assumed that Iran
would moderate its behavior and join the international community. Yet unlike
its North Korean and Syrian allies, Iran was the largest state sponsor of
terror and openly vowed to destroy another state—Israel. Unlike them, Iran
systematically lied about its unconventional weapons program for 30 years. And
unlike Damascus and Pyongyang, which are permanently barred from acquiring
weapons of mass destruction, Tehran can look forward to building them swiftly
and legitimately in the late 2020s, once the JCPOA expires.
This, for Sunni states, is the appalling flaw of the JCPOA.
The regime most committed to our destruction has been granted a free pass to
develop military nuclear capabilities. Iran could follow the Syrian and North
Korean examples and cheat. Or, while enjoying hundreds of billions of dollars
in sanctions relief, it can adhere to the agreement and deactivate parts of its
nuclear facilities rather than dismantle them. It can develop new technologies
for producing atomic bombs while testing intercontinental ballistic missiles.
It can continue massacring Syrians, Iraqis and Yemenis, and bankrolling
Hezbollah. The JCPOA enables Iran to do all that merely by complying.
Yet Iran alone has been granted immunity for butchering
civilians and threatening genocide. Iran alone has been guaranteed a future
nuclear capability. And the Iranian regime—which brutally crushed a popular
uprising in 2009—has amassed a million-man force to suppress any future
opposition. Rather than moderating, the current regime promises to be more
radical yet in another 10 years.
How can the U.S. and its allies pre-empt catastrophe? Many
steps are possible, but they begin with penalizing Iran for the conventions it
already violates, such as U.N. restrictions on missile development. The
remaining American sanctions on Iran must stay staunchly in place and Congress
must pass further punitive legislation. Above all, a strong link must be
established between the JCPOA and Iran’s support for terror, its pledges to
annihilate Israel and overthrow pro-American Arab governments, and its
complicity in massacres. As long as the ayatollahs oppress their own population
and export their tyranny abroad, no restrictions on their nuclear program can
ever be allowed to expire.
In responding forcibly to North Korean and Syrian outrages,
President Trump has made a major step toward restoring America’s deterrence
power. His determination to redress the flaws in the JCPOA and to stand up to
Iran will greatly accelerate that process. The U.S., Israel and the world will
all be safer.
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