INU - Iran’s intelligence
minister during Rafsanjani’s presidency back in the early 90s, Ali Fallahian,
known for his role in the elimination of many dissidents, has recently made
shocking allegations regarding mass executions, especially those targeting
members and supporters of the Iranian opposition People’s Mojahedin
Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK).
Charges
were raised against Fallahian by a German court for his involvement in the
assassination in September 1992 of Iranian Kurdish dissidents in Berlin.
Interpol placed Fallahian on its most wanted list for his role in the 1994
bombing the AMIA in Buenos Aires Jewish center that left 85 killed in 2007.
In
this past year inside Iran, a major issue for the general public, especially
the younger generation who are beginning to demand answers, is the 1988 massacre of
over 30,000 political prisoners, mostly MEK members and supporters. Aired in a
recent interview, Fallhian’s remarks have caused a stir in social media inside
Iran, and in Iranian communities abroad. In this interview,
Fallahian reveals his role in the Iranian regime’s enmity against the MEK.
Following
are some remarks from this interview:
Q: “Can we blame only the MEK for taking up arms, or did we
also make mistakes… for example, attack their gatherings, pressure their
members and supporters…?”
Fallahian: “They had such an analysis.
[Iranian opposition leader Massoud] Rajavi had maybe written 36 articles
against armed conflicts.” (Khazar website – July 18) This is Fallahian
acknowledging the fact that the MEK had sought to continue their peaceful
political activities. The mullahs’ regime, however, dispatched their forces to
attack, arrest, torture and kill MEK members. Fallahian moves on to discuss the
1988 mass executions across Iran.
Q: “Did the Intelligence Ministry suggest the 1988 executions
to [Iranian regime founder Ruhollah] Khomeini?”
Fallahian: “Khomeini himself ordered it…
saying the ruling for all moharebs [term used for MEK members, meaning enemies
of God] is execution. There were discussions in this regard back then. Mr. Mousavi
Tabrizi believed there was no need for prosecution, arguing prosecuting those
who are at war with us has no meaning. Others believed those arrested should be
prosecuted… however, [Khomeini] constantly emphasized to beware they don’t slip
out of your hands… [Khomeini] would always say be careful in this regard… how?
For example, if there was a confusion about someone being a murderer or not,
execution would not be the first option of punishment. However, about the MEK
[Khomeini] would say an opposite approach is needed. I know them, he would say,
they must not slip away and their rulings are execution. This was his constant
ruling, before and after the 1988 issue…
“…
There are discussions and some are asking why were those sentenced to prison
terms again condemned to death? First of all, keep in mind their rulings are
execution, even if a judge hadn’t ruled for an execution, he had violated the
law… If an armed mohareb was arrested, his/her ruling would be execution, even
if he/she hadn’t killed anyone… the ruling for a hypocrite (another term used
for MEK members) and mohareb is execution. This was [Khomeini’s] fatwa. There
was no discussion in this regard. In 1988… the discussion reached the point
that all of them must be executed, even those not sentenced to death.
[Khomeini] would ask why you have still kept them alive.”
During
the past year, the Iranian opposition launched a justice movement to shed light
on the 1988 massacre both inside Iran and across the globe. Their efforts went
into high gear in the weeks before Iran’s May 19th presidential election, and
Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei lost his bid to have conservative cleric Ebrahim
Raisi, known to be Khamenei’s preferred candidate, replace the incumbent Hassan
Rouhani as president. Raisi was defeated following revelations about his role
in the 1988 massacre when he was a member of the four-man “Death Commission”
appointed by Khomeini to facilitate the execution process.
Q: “Raisi was in the commission. Who were the other members?”
Fallahian
refrains from naming other Death Commission members and begins discussing the
process which political prisoners were executed and the summer 1988 massacre.
He placed all the blame on Khomeini, who had issued the execution and massacre
ruling.
Fallhian: “Yes, the poor guy [referring to Raisi]
insisted he hadn’t issued the ruling, the ruling was issued in advance… but no
one would listen, and they would also think the executed were innocent… if we
hadn’t killed them there would be no country today. These are not my words;
they are the words of [Khomeini]…”
The
interviewer refers to an audio file unveiled last September of Khomeini’s then
successor, the late Hossein Ali Montazeri, in which he sheds light on unknown
aspects of the 1988 massacre.
Q: “What was Mr. Montazeri’s mistake?”
Fallahian: “He came in disagreement with
[Khomeini]… [He] believed history would judge these executions against Islam
and us. He would say it would be better to refrain, as when the enemy begins to
write, they won’t cite us harshly. However, [Khomeini] ordered to carry out
your religious duty and don’t wait for history’s judgement.”
Q: “Were all those executed arrested while armed?”
Fallahian: “No, not all of them were
involved in the armed revolt. However, many of them were living in team houses.
We would go there and find only one or two weapons, or arrest them on the
street without any arms.”
Q: “So how were they linked to the armed revolt?”
Fallahian: “Well, they were part of the
organization.”
Q: “Wasn’t it necessary for each individual to have taken up
arms to be convicted of being a mohareb?”
Fallahian: “No, when someone is a member
of an armed current, the individual being armed or not, their ruling is
mohareb.”
Q: “Even if they are arrested with a newspaper?”
The
interviewer is talking about the fact that many MEK members and supporters were
arrested, and eventually executed, for merely having a pro-MEK newspaper in
their possession.
Fallahian: “Yes. They were part of that
organization and were operational. Now, its possible someone would merely buy
bread for those living in ‘team houses’, another would, for example, procure
other necessary items. They were all involved.”
Fallahian
then refers to the role of the MOIS in dispatching its spies abroad under
various pretexts. He says, “… we do not dispatch an intelligence officer, let’s
say to Germany, the US or Russia, and there he would say, ‘well, I am from the
Ministry of Intelligence, please provide me your information.’ (They would do
it) under the cover of business or media jobs. Many journalists are
intelligence agents ... A journalist is not paid well, so he needs to work with
an intelligence service.”
Efforts
by the Iranian opposition through its vast network of brave activists inside
the country and abroad have forced the regime to discuss their role in the
executions carried out during the horrific summer of 1988, nearly three decades
later. Now, the international community must demand the facts, and bring the
perpetrators to justice.
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